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African-American slaves were denied legal rights to marry because they were seen as incapable of upholding the morality of the institution. Their status as chattel property invalidated any claims they might make to engage in contracts (marital or otherwise).
Though slaves could and did marry -- with their master's consent -- their vows to each other were legally null and void. The slave master held right to control his property however he saw fit. The desire to reproduce human capital and the prerogative to sell slaves to increase profits or cut losses superceded respect for African-American unions.
Pro-slavery advocates swore otherwise. They said that the "peculiar institution" was itself like a marriage -- an unequal but reciprocal relationship that provided the best supervision and care for an "inferior race."
The association between marriage and liberation took on increasing significance as the end of slavery approached. During the Civil War, as many slaves escaped to freedom following the foot trails of Union Army soldiers, marriage often became the first civil right exercised. It was so popular that it overwhelmed the capacity of federal forces to accommodate them. A black soldier expressed the sentiment underlying their determinations this way: "The marriage covenant is at the foundation of all our rights."
Get Out by Jordan Peele has been a huge hit with movie goers. Critics emphasize its horror and race aspects, but there's another reason to see Get Out. It brings Hegel's master-slave relationship into focus
"There's no real story of the Last Supper in the Gospel of John as we find it in the other Gospels. There is no passing of the bread or passing of the cup. Instead, we come upon the story of Jesus on his knees washing the Apostles' feet." (Richard Rohr)
The officers and crew of the Tecora waited at sea fordarknessto come to Cuba. Closer to shore, British cruisers patrolled the waterslooking for slave ships. The British had been trying for nineteenyears, since 1820, to enforce the provisions of a treaty betweenEnglandand Spain that prohibited the importation of slaves to Cuba and otherSpanishdominions. The captain of the Portuguese slave ship knew,however,that the odds were with him. Two thousand miles of Cuban coastline madecapture at sea difficult, and once on land the slavers were outsideBritishauthority and under the protection of complicit Cuban officials.
About ten days after their arrival in Cuba, the captivesmarchedagain,this time to a barracoon, or slave stockade, within sight of the cityofHavana. The Misericordia barracoon stood just off a busy road thatconnectedthe city and the white palace of the Governor General. The surroundingstructures of the barracoon formed a large courtyard, where theAfricansexercised and where they could be observed by Cuban spectators.
Thin or depressed blacks did not command high prices, so slaveimporterstreated their human merchandise relatively well. Employees of theMartinez Company fed and clothed the Africans, gave them tobacco, andrubbedtheir skin with palm oil to make it shine.
Two Spanish dons came to the barracoon in late June to selectnewslavesfor their plantations in Puerto Principe, on the northwest coast of theisland. Jose Ruiz, twenty-four, made his selectionscarefully. He ordered blacks to stand in a row, then inspected their bodies andteethone-by-one. Ruiz bought the forty-nine adult males thatpassedhis inspection for $450 each. Fifty-eight-year-old Pedro Montes,meanwhile, selected four children, three of them girls.
On June 28, 1839, the Spanish dons loaded the Africans on acharteredtwo-masted black schooner called the Amistad. Althoughthey had papers, Montes and Ruiz knew their vessel was subject tosearchby British slave patrol boats. The papers showing the captives tobe ladinos, or legal slaves born in Spanish territory, would not fool aconscientious enforcer of the anti-importation treaty. None of theslavesspoke Spanish and the children were far too young to have been born inCuba before 1820. At midnight, the Amistad, captained byRamonFerrer, sailed out of Havana harbor with its cargo of fifty-threeslavesand about $40,000 in provisions.
For the Africans, the voyage was to be endured, notenjoyed. Crewmembers placed iron collars around the neck of each slave. Theyconnectedeach collar by a chain to another slave, and whole string of collarstheychained to the wall. The Africans were kept in the suffocatingheatof the hold most of the voyage. Time on deck was limited to meals andtobrief relief breaks, taken a few at a time. Discipline wasstrict. Ruiz ordered crew members to flog a captive who took more than hisallotedshare of water.
The United States Attorney for Connecticut, William S.Holabird,ordereda judicial hearing on the Washington. It was unclear toHolabirdwhether a crime had been committed, who had committed it, or whether U.S. courts even had jurisdiction. There was also the matter ofsalvagerights, which were claimed by Captain Green as well as by Gedney andthecrew of the Washington. Some estimates placed the value of the Amistad'scargo of wine, saddles, gold, and silk at $40,000 in 1839 dollars, andthe slaves had a market value of at least half that much.
Cinquez is about 5 feet 8 inches high, of fine proportions,with anobleair. Indeed, the whole company, although thin in flesh, and generallyofslight forms, and limbs, especially, are as good looking andintelligenta body of men as we usually meet with. All are young, and several arequitestriplings. The Mandingos are described in books as being a very gentlerace, cheerful in their dispositions, inquisitive, credulous, simplehearted,and much given to trading propensities.
The young African girls sitting next to Tappan might haveunderstoodthat the courtroom activity was about them, but they could hardlyunderstandwhy. The abolitionists and their lawyers had asked the CircuitCourtof Connecticut for a writ of habeas corpus that would order the releaseof the three girls from custody. They had chosen to limit theirinitialeffort to the girls for two reasons. First, they wanted to keepthefocus on the girls, who played no role in the mutiny and who could beexpectedto generate public sympathy for the abolitionist cause. If thewritwere to be granted for them, it would be strong precedent for otherAfricans. Second, they recognized that it was almost beyond argument that thegirls--giventheir tender age and the fact that none spoke a word of Spanish--wereAfricans,and therefore a judge would have a difficult time concluding that theylegally had been sold as slaves.
On Monday, February 22, 1841, arguments began in the SupremeCourt'scrowded chamber in the U.S. Capitol. Attorney General Henry Gilpin,arguingfor the government, told the Court that it should not "go behind" theAmistad'spapers and make inquiry as to their accuracy, but should accept them ontheir face in order to show proper respect for another sovereignnation.Accepting the fraudulent papers would have meant, of course, that theAfricanswere slaves to be returned to Cuba. Roger Baldwin followedGilpin,making many of the same arguments that been persuasive in the districtand circuit courts.
Chiefly correspondence from various Dall family members in Boston, Massachusetts, particularly father William Dall, Revolutionary War veteran, merchant, businessman and former Yale College writing master, to sons William and James Dall in Baltimore, Maryland. Letters of son James Dall, then a student at Harvard University, provide accounts of Boston political and cultural activities of the time. 041b061a72